Greensburg, Pennsylvania,
November 24, 1924
My dear Dr. Speer:
It is with very deep regret that I cannot accept the invitation of the Federal Council to discuss the Japanese situation at its Quadrennial Meeting in Atlanta. As I had exceptional opportunity, however, to learn at first hand the recent developments in the relations between the United States and Japan, I gladly comply with Dr. Gulick's request and place this information at your disposal: --
The Japanese Exclusion Act was, in my judgment, an international disaster of the first magnitude, -- a disaster to American diplomacy in the Far East, a disaster to American business, a disaster to religion and the effective work of our American churches in Japan.
The ultimate consequences of that act cannot yet be fully forecast, for what we do or fail to do during the coming year or two will determine the degree of the disaster. The right handling of the question in the near future will, indeed, go far toward wiping out the harm that has been done. Failure to take appropriate action will confirm, deepen, and extend it.
Few Americans appreciate what happened, partly because they are not acquainted with Japan's history of recent decades, partly because they fail to understand just what Japan's contention really is, and partly because they are not personally familiar with the Japanese question in this country. Sensational press reports coupled with mischievous politics have created mistaken ideas regarding the real issue.
The purpose of Congress was no doubt, to stop further Japanese immigration, on the assumption that a flood of Japanese was still entering the United States. Congress could not have realized that Japan accepted the principle of exclusion in 1908, since which date the Japanese Government has been loyally cooperating with the Government of the United States in carrying out that policy. As a result of the Gentlemen's Agreement, then entered into, more Japanese males have left the United States than have entered by 22,737. The coming of Japanese women to join their husbands or to be married to young men already here, permitted by the Agreement, has resulted in an increase of [foreign-born] Japanese in Continental America during the sixteen years for which we have the figures (1909-1923) of only 8,681. [page 2]
Japan, moreover, had officially stated more than once that she was prepared to make the provisions of the Agreement even more rigid. She officially stated that the drastic restrictions of immigration into America is a domestic matter concerning which she has nothing to say.
It is, therefore, clear that what Congress wanted could have been secured with Japan's cordial consent and cooperation. It is also clear that the issue in the mind of Japan was not immigration but something else.
From the standpoint of my special opportunities of knowledge, I wish to state with utmost clearness and emphasis that what Japan resented was not exclusion but humiliating race discrimination. And the tragedy lies in the fact that Congress could have secured what it felt needful and yet have secured it in a way that would have avoided affronting Japan; would have preserved the historic friendship and promoted the practice of cooperation in dealing with this and with every difficult issue in the problems of the Far East.
Without one compensating advantage Congress has thrown away one of the most important American assets in solving the problem of the Pacific and has, at the same time, created utterly needless feelings of mortification, humiliation and distrust, with fresh and as yet unknowable potential factors of difficulty in maintaining the permanent peace of the Far East.
The remarkable changes within Japan herself and in her policies in China and Siberia that flowed out of the Washington Conference on Limitation of Armament, which were fundamentally due to the rising power of the liberal movement in Japan, together with the extraordinary appreciation by Japan of America's prompt and generous help in her hour of calamities of earthquake and fire, had given America unparalleled influence in the inner life of Japan. America, philanthropic, democratic, Christian, stood before Japan as a nation that in many of the most important elements of civilization was to be emulated and followed. Full cooperation with America in all the difficult problems of the new day was fast becoming the accepted ideal of Japan's people as the true way for them.
Seldom, if ever, has the potential influence of one nation on the free inner life of another been so ascendant as [has] America's influence in Japan in January, 1924. It was powerfully affecting every phase of Japan's mental outlook, political developments and alignments, business relations, educational procedures, and international friendships and policies. Japan had developed a fine trust in America's spirit of justice, fair play and humanity. Christianity, slowly disclosed to them through decades of faithful missionary work, was suddenly revealed to the entire people as really molding the life of the American people, giving them not only the ideals but also the actual practice of programs for peace, for brotherhood and for service to humanity. [page 3]
When, therefore, word reached Japan that an immigration bill had been introduced in Congress, containing a section aimed at the Japanese, little attention was paid to it because it was regarded as merely another expression in Congress of the familiar anti-Japanese spirit of the Pacific Coast. And it was supposed that the Department of State would be able, as hitherto, to persuade Congress of the unwisdom and needlessness of the proposed law.
When, however, it became clear in April that the bill would pass in spite of the objections of Secretary Hughes and President Coolidge, in spite of the offers of the Japanese Government to make any desired adjustments of the Agreement, in spite of the knowledge that such a law would affront and deeply wound the inmost heart and soul of the Japanese people, in spite of the honorable fulfillment by Japan of the Gentlemen's Agreement, then an America suddenly loomed before them which in their judgement was wholly different from the America they had learned to work with, to trust, to admire and to be grateful to.
It was as though the Good Samaritan in the New Testament parable, after delivering the wounded and bleeding traveler to the inn-keeper with a gift for his keep, had suddenly drawn off, doubled up his fist and planted a stunning blow on the face of man he had just succored. Japan was bewildered, disappointed, dismayed and indignant. She could hardly believe it.
Delegations from all the classes of society, from the highest to the lowest, called upon me in Tokyo. Strong men, national leaders, in [tons] of deepest concern and sometimes in tears, pled with me to tell America what was happening, hoping thereby that Congress might be brought to realize the situation before it was too late.
A Japanese committed suicide near the American Embassy in in protest and in expiation of Japan's honor. His pathetic letter told of his acceptance of the Christian faith because it disclosed a God of all mankind, a God of love and a world of human brotherhood. This Christian teaching had satisfied his inner craving. But this Exclusion Act of America had shattered his faith; Christianity was itself false; there is no God, no universal brotherhood.
A prominent Japanese pastor, a graduate of Yale, told me that his people could not understand why a country which sent missionaries abroad preaching the doctrine of the brotherhood of mankind, could make such a discrimination. It can readily be seen from this that the Christian movement in Japan has been dealt a staggering blow.
Americans should realize that Japan was concerned, not with the question of immigration, but with that of race humiliation. Japan and all her people, from highest to lowest, wish to be accepted and treated as one of the equal races of mankind. All emphatically repudiate any implication that color and race are badges of inferiority or unfitness to be given equality of race treatment in any part of the world. I believe [page 4] Congress had no deliberate intention to humiliate and affront Japan. It nevertheless in fact did so.
What Congress desired might have been entirely and easily secured without in the least affronting Japan's honor, dignity or [self-respect] and international prestige.
There was no intrinsic conflict between the purposes of Congress and the desires of Japan.
The consequences of the Exclusion law, of not soon overcome, grave beyond all ordinary comprehension. It will affect business intercourse, turning Europe and elsewhere trade that would normally have come here.
Japan cannot fail to turn for her international fellowship, cooperation and inspiration toward those nations and Governments which regard her honor, dignity and self-respect and away from us, unless we change our manner and our law.
The military party in Japan and the tendency to set in sharp antithesis in Yellow races against the White have been given a mighty impulse, portending disaster to Japan, to China and to the whole world in proportion as the movement succeeds.
In proportion as militarism as ascendent in Japan will it be difficult for America to reduce her load of Armament, even though no actual armed conflict comes for many decades, and the economic and social disaster to America of ever increasing Armaments on the Pacific can not be easily estimated.
That which now needs to be done is to follow the suggestion of Secretary Hughes. He asked that Japan be placed on the quota basis. This would admit only 146 immigrants annually until July, 1927, and thereafter only 150. This amount is negligible and I am sure that in the enforcement of such a provision, America will have the loyal cooperation of the Japanese Government.
I am, therefore, of opinion, and in that opinion I know you will concur, that while the question is a difficult one and beset with many thorny aspects, yet it is one which our Christian leaders must face, and for which a Christian and a practical solution must be found.
Very sincerely yours,
(Signed) CYRUS E. WOODS
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