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Notes on Passive-Resistance by Louie [Bennett.]
The doctrine of Passive Resistance has not been sufficiently preached. Before we proclaim its expediency, we must clarify the principle underlying our advocacy of it. The destructiveness of violence is not a strong enough argument, because passive resistance might involve immense destruction of a [nonviolent] character. Nor can we urge the demoralization of human character [consequent] upon violence as sufficient reason, for participation in war has in many cases lifted ordinary men and women to great powers of sacrifice and nobility.
We must I think come back to the simple principle of man’s sacred and indefeasible right to life, to life in its fullest sense. (The social revolution for which so many are now struggling, springs from man’s sense of his right to freedom of life (freedom of opportunities)). But faith in man’s sacred and indefensible right to life, [presuppose] faith in a purpose (a creative power?) behind life, inspiring it towards higher levels. Pacifism must therefore be based on a religious principle, -- we have got to revive the sense of the sanctity of life. And how? In old times awe and terror hung round life and death. But [men] are no longer moved by any such apprehension. Life is taken and life is begotten with an amazing recklessness.
Can we base our religion of life on reverence for its unknown potentialities, or desire for the beauty and the joy which may be evolved through fear (get self-disciplined) life?
My immediate point is that in advocating passive (or [nonviolent]) resistance we must be inspired by a religious sense of the value of life. Life [today] is held incredibly cheap in the pursuit of a cause or the defense of a system or a world power. Before we [can] hope to supersede militarism and faith in violence, we have got to convince men and women, of the religious value of life and therefore of man’s indefeasible right to it. This surely is the modern woman’s greatest duty?
And it's necessary not only as furnishing a reason for the supersession of militarism, but also as an inspiration in the carrying out of a [nonviolent] resistance campaign.
Such a campaign demands the [cooperation] of all the people, demands sacrifice and endurance from all alike. I do not think such a campaign will ever be carried out for a purpose less than an enlargement of human freedom, nor without a strong conviction of the religious significance of individual life. [page 2]
If we could revive reverence for life, we could then win men to acknowledge the deep truth of Romain Rolland’s saying that the means taken to achieve an end are of more real importance than the end itself, because of the influence upon character the means used to an end necessarily exert. (We are perceiving the truth of this in Ireland [today].)
If you issue a pamphlet on passive resistance I hope you will think it right to lay strong stress on the principles which must inspire it.
[Gandhi] -- [whether] he succeeds or fails -- has I think made an immense contribution to the pacifism we are considering, by his religious spirit. The English Conscientious Objectors have done so too, and we shall surely feel the influence of their attitude more and more as time goes on. But I wish some one would even now write up their case, so as to keep men’s mind working upon the problems raised by their action. You could hardly do justice to it in general pamphlet on passive resistance.
Ireland provides the [best] material for treating passive resistance from the practical side. For although passive resistance methods were only used in conjunction with violence, -- they still were methods which exerted an incalculable influence on the situation, and I have always held that a much greater victory (greater in practical as well as moral results) could have been won by an exclusive use of them. The [setting?] up of a Home Government, of Law Courts, of Labor, Local Government and Economic Ministries; the domination by Sinn Fein of Country and Municipal Councils and Boards, reduced British Government to an absurdity, in spite of their military power of repression. Carry these methods further, -- use the hunger strike more daringly, -- tighten the boycott of English goods, (this was possible in a country such as Ireland which can be self-supporting so far as the actual necessities are concerned) and organize tax-resistance. Such tactics must bring a complete impasse in a short time. Then it becomes a test of endurance. And it is at this crisis that the need for an impassioned faith in cause and in methods would be felt. Passive resistance must be preached before it is practiced.
In one other direction Sinn Fein did admirable constructive work for their cause, -- i.e. in propaganda and publicity for abroad. This is one of the most vital items in a passive resistance campaign. The cause fought for must secure understanding and sympathy [everywhere], in view of the increased complexity and closeness of international relations. The public opinion of the world operated in Irelands [favor]. But so also in a [preeminent] degree did the public opinion of Liberal England. One of the mistakes Sinn Fein made in the early part of their campaign was perhaps a failure to devote sufficient attention to the [education] of Liberal and Labor England in Irish affairs. They left it to the Black and Tans to accomplish that part of their [program]. [page 3]
They made errors also in regard to Ulster and also to finance, Banking and commercialism. Consideration of the economic problem involved will have to be put first in all future attempts at passive resistance. And I would put propaganda as the next most important step.
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