Paul Underwood Kellogg to Jane Addams, December 13, 1921

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December 13, 1921

Miss Jane Addams,
Hull House,
Chicago, Illinois.

Dear Miss Addams:

Chapter V is at the printers. You apparently took both chapters X and XI and I am enclosing the others with this.

You will recall that the decision we reached was to publish chapter VII as out second [installment]. I think it was your intention to add something more specific as to the extent of military and medical opinion which has come out supporting the statement as to rum, etc. and also you considered pointing up those paragraphs so that there would be no possible implication that it was the gallantry or courage of the young men in the face of death that you were discussing; rather their recoil at killing fellows like themselves close up.

But I come to you with a very strong recommendation and that is that we publish chapters III and VII together as two parts of our second [installment] in our February issue. I do it for the reason that it seems to me that to do less than that is to do injustice to your whole working philosophy. Here in Chapter III you explode so thoroughly the notion that pacifists were merely "pacifically wishing nothing to be done" etc. and state the thing you strove for up to the declaration of war (and after for that matter) affirmatively, constructively. Chapter VII shows the public misapprehension, misrepresentation, isolation and punishment visited on those who had stood for these things. They are the two sides of the shield. If I were thinking merely as an editor person, I should, of course, size up Chapter VII as having a larger journalistic value for periodical publication, and want that in any event. When I look at it not only as a friend but as one who wants your leadership to count for most, it is clear in my mind that we should publish both. Were there time, we could, of course, publish them as two [installments] in consecutive issues. There is not time. Therefore, my suggestion of publishing them both together even though it makes a pretty heavy demand on our [page 2] space. Together they make about 10,000 words. As we can print less than 1000 words to the page in our new large type in the Graphic, this is an over-large unit and if you feel you could cut them to a total of 8000 that would make it much more manageable. Of course we would not merge them into a single [installment], but as two sections, each under its own title published in the same issue under the main heading of the series, "Peace and Bread". For example, page 63 and parts of 64 might be omitted without affecting the quality of Chapter III.

My choice then would be: first choice, Chapters III and VII published together in our February number, cut to a total of 8000 words or less. Second choice, Chapters III and VII published in full in that number. Third choice, Chapter VII published alone, omitting Chapter III entirely.

x x x

For our third [installment] in our March number, to be published after the book is out, our choice fell to Chapter XI.

x x x

By the way, while I would give anything that I possess to have had your clarity and consistency through these war years, I can't bring myself to feel that I fit into any of the pigeon holes you set down on page 5 of chapter I and no doubt I merely shared in the feelings of many others, in which case you may care to add another "pew" for us.

That is, I subscribe whole-heartedly to the philosophy and program of your Chapter III, approaching them, however, not from the background of a non-resistant. In an all too feeble way I worked for those things both before and after we went to war.

I suppose to compress our positions into a phrase, would be to say that after war was declared, we stood for resistance to German militarism in the field and for paralleling this with civil moves, appealing to the common folk of all nations, to secure a democratic settlement. In the spring of 1917 this was almost as lonesome a position as your own. It was only when I got to England that next winter that I found great bodies of men subscribing to it in the dual foreign policy of the British Labor Party -- (a) resistance against German militarism in the field and (b) a civil offensive by labor, by forces of public opinion and ultimately by the government to reach across the iron wall of war to similar forces in the Central Powers.